How DEI NGOs Hijacked Minnesota’s Legal System And Sent Taxpayers the Bill

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Using taxpayer-funded settlements, a coordinated network of progressive legal nonprofits has rewritten state and local policy through courtroom victories rather than ballot boxes—bypassing democratic accountability entirely. Though operating within current IRS regulations, this approach imposes DEI mandates without legislative approval or voter consent.

Minnesota's progressive administration and its allied nonprofits have perfected this strategy. The Christina Lusk case, filed in June 2022 in Ramsey County District Court, exposes this infrastructure at work. Lusk, a transgender male with gender dysphoria, sued the Minnesota Department of Corrections, alleging that the agency's policies violated rights under the Minnesota Human Rights Act and the Minnesota Constitution's guarantees of equal protection, bodily autonomy, and freedom from cruel and unusual punishment.

The 2022 Lusk v. DOC case exemplifies this strategy: a $495,000⁠ settlement that mandated World Professional Association for Transgender Health⁠ (WPATH) standards for transgender inmates. Without legislative votes, hearings, or appropriations, WPATH standards—developed by a private advocacy organization—were imposed through closed-door negotiation rather than democratic deliberation. The result: permanent policy funded by taxpayers, decided by settlement agreement instead of Legislation.

Policy by Settlement: Circumventing Votes, Burdening Taxpayers

This bypasses democratic safeguards, enriching NGOs through a revolving door connected to Attorney General Keith Ellison's office. The settlement mandates ongoing expenditures—WPATH-certified consultants, facility modifications, specialized undergarments, staff training—none appropriated by the Minnesota Legislature. This appears to be a likely violation of fundamental constitutional principles, and it is stark.

• Minnesota Constitution Article XI, Section 1⁠1, "No money shall be paid out of the treasury of this state except in pursuance of an appropriation by law." The Lusk settlement appears to have violated this fundamental principle. By permanent imposition of financial commitment and burden on taxpayers, without a single legislative vote.

• Minnesota Constitution Article III, Section 1⁠2 further prohibits any branch from exercising powers belonging to another—yet here, a court settlement has usurped the Legislature's exclusive "power of the purse," mandating policy and spending that only elected representatives can authorize.

This is de facto lawmaking—policy created outside the democratic process and nearly impossible to reverse. The cycle is self-perpetuating: the more money these organizations receive, the more powerful they become, the more policies they can impose. Legal scholars⁠ have warned of "unaccountable collusion with private parties" between NGOs and state agencies, leading to settlement agreements that circumvent legislative authority and bind administrations without voter input. Are these publicly funded, unelected NGOs and attorneys general overstepping their duties in cases like Lusk? Taxpayers bankroll them—yet their voices are silenced. How does this system operate? One organization reveals the entire architecture.

The Architecture of Influence

Behind this mechanism is a meticulously funded apparatus. Gender Justice—a Minnesota 501(c)(3) founded in 2010—serves as the linchpin. While branding itself as a law firm for gender equality, it operates in the gray area between legal aid, lobbying, and advocacy, funneling resources into DEI-driven mandates closely aligned with the Walz administration.

Executive Director Megan Peterson previously led the National Network of Abortion Funds⁠, which generated $49 million in FY 2022. Gender Justice's⁠ 2022⁠ revenue was $2.9 million—only 8.6% from program fees, the rest from grants. State funding surged from $1,500 (2022) to $448,904 (2023), per OpenTheBooks⁠. In 2024, MacKenzie Scott's Yield Giving awarded Gender Justice $2 million.

During this period, Gender Justice filed multiple lawsuits—including Lusk—securing policies like WPATH standards, with active support from Attorney General Keith Ellison. Senior Attorney Christy Hall⁠ litigated the Lusk case before joining Ellison’s office in March 2025, enforcing these same policies.

This legal-and-funding strategy isn’t unique: The Women’s Foundation of Minnesota—called by InfluenceWatch⁠ “an initiative with the Minnesota governor’s office”—has funded Gender Justice since 2012, including a $10,000 wellness grant in 2025. All mirror a larger pattern of progressive nonprofits driving major policy change through court settlements, not democratic debate.

The result: NGOs, fueled by public and philanthropic dollars, expand their reach and power with every tax-funded victory. They now function as unelected lawmakers—accountable to donors, not voters—while settlements replace legislative debate. Without safeguards, this model spreads: settlements become policy, and democratic accountability erodes.

Policy Changes Without Legislative Approval: DOC’s Adoption of WPATH Standards

The settlement required DOC to revise Policy 202.045⁠⁠ and Policy 202.130⁠⁠, mandating WPATH standards of care. These guidelines—developed by a private advocacy organization, not state medical boards—require consultation with WPATH-certified professionals for housing and medical decisions, staff training, name changes, and facility transfers matching gender identity.

Key Provisions in DOC Policy Went into Effect: April 1, 2024

• Single-cell assignments for transgender inmates

• Separate shower facilities

• Provision of undergarments consistent with gender identity

• Pat-down searches conducted by staff of the facility’s gender classification, not the inmate’s biological sex

These measures depart from previous norms by institutionalizing gender identity as the principal consideration in inmate management. Crucially, none of the costs associated with implementing these policies—covering infrastructure, training, and supplies—were appropriated through the state legislature. As a result, Minnesota taxpayers are bearing the financial burden without the usual transparency or fiscal scrutiny.

Lusk

Bypassing Minnesota’s Legislative Process
The state constitution and legislative rules require that changes impacting state operations undergo comprehensive legislative review. This includes:

• Committee hearings with opportunities for public testimony

• Detailed fiscal cost analyses

• Floor votes in both the 134-member House and the 67-member Senate

• Approval by the Governor

None of these procedural steps were observed in adopting these DOC policies. Instead, the policy emerged publicly in June 2023 following a confidential mediation process and was enacted by a single appointed commissioner without any formal legislative debate or vote.

Impact on Minnesota Correctional Facilities
The revised policy has affected all state correctional facilities housing approximately 8,000 inmates, including 48 individuals identifying as transgender. A notable outcome has been the transfer of Lusk, the first openly transgender inmate, from MCF-Moose Lake to Shakopee Women’s Facility in June 2023. By February 2025, three transgender women were housed at Shakopee, Minnesota’s sole women’s prison.

The Lusk Case is not an Anomaly.

It represents a deliberate strategy—replicated across states through networks like Gender Justice—to circumvent democratic processes when legislative gridlock stalls progressive priorities. Progressive administrations have discovered an alternative: fund nonprofits, litigate against their own agencies, settle quickly, and impose policy through court order. The mechanism works within legal frameworks while nullifying electoral accountability. Taxpayers absorb costs. Voters bear consequences. NGOs grow more powerful with each settlement. Minnesota has become a laboratory for this approach. Without legislative safeguards, this model will expand.

Deep Money Donors, Union Power & Walz’s $109M Private School Aid Cuts

What’s Really Driving Minnesota’s Education Shake-Up?

Last year, 70,000 of Minnesota's nonpublic school students felt the impact of Governor Walz's proposals to cut $109 million in aid. Governor Walz insisted he was "pretty firm" on eliminating aid to private schools. As the 2026 legislative session convenes in February, Minnesotans must remain vigilant against these orchestrated efforts that threaten to drain resources from private school funding. If reducing private school aid serves as a conduit for shifting students into public schools, benefiting a consortium of unions and allied organizations, should both Democratic and Republican legislators view this with concern?

Private school students from across Minnesota gathered at the State Capitol during the 2025 session to deliver a clear message: do not cut $109 million in private school aid. The footage shows hundreds of children and their families marching to Governor Walz’s office—only to find the governor absent. These students came to personally ask for their educational choices to be protected, highlighting the real human impact behind the budget debate.

The Budget Cut Debate

State data shows Minnesota public schools lost 12,500 students between 2021 and 2024, resulting in a 15% rise in private and homeschool enrollment. Many families claim the shift in enrollment was based on objections to what we call today DEI-focused curricula. While proponents argue the shift would redirect resources to districts serving 80% of Minnesota's children, critics have noted that the cut from Minnesota's budget represents less than 0.5% of the K-12 budget of $24.3 billion. If funding is cut, this systematic plan would only penalize parents and caretakers who opted out of the DEI experiment. With 70,000 students at stake, lawmakers reconvening in February must remain cognizant of the implications: depriving students of educational diversity and funneling more students into Minnesota's public system. Could this grander stratagem—effectively incentivizing public schools by starving private schools of funding—be the true motive? Investigating the rationale behind targeting such a small portion of aid suggests a coordinated effort by the Democracy Alliance and allied unions to support Governor Walz's push to defund private schools.

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70,000

Nonpublic students affected

12,500

Public school students lost

15%

Rise in private/homeschool enrollment

$109 M

Proposed private aid cut

0.45%

Aid cut % of K–12 budget

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Unions represent one arm of the Democracy Alliance’s broader strategy. An edifice of influence aiming to reshape state and national policy, and government parties one legislature at a time. Fueled by resources and strategic support funneled through their allegiance to the Democracy Alliance, these unions serve as a visible source driving Governor Walz’s budget priorities.

Next Up: Inside the Unions’ Playbook

In next week’s installment, we’ll unpack Education Minnesota and its AFT/NEA affiliates. Examine how union leadership, based by the Democracy Alliance’s deep resources, crafts the legislative and grassroots efforts that drive Governor Walz’s push to redirect school funding.

Iran Nuclear Scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh: The Mossad Target

How Iranian nuclear physicist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh built Iran's secret weapons program and became Israel's most wanted target. The story behind his 2020 Mossad assassination and lasting nuclear legacy.

WARNING: Graphic Content

Mohsen Fakhrizadeh: “Remember that Name”

In a quiet village, on the outskirts of Tehran, a Nissan pickup hid the most sophisticated assassination device the Mossad ever deployed. The Target? A man the West called Iran’s Oppenheimer, Moshen Fakhrizadeh. Who was Fakhrizadey, and why did his name instill fear into Washington and Israel’s war rooms?

Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was a highly influential Iranian nuclear physicist and one of the most dangerous, enigmatic figures in modern geopolitics. Born in the early 1960s in a devout Shia family, Fakhrizadeh came of age during the 1979 Iranian Revolution. After the overthrow of the Imperial governor in Qom, Iran’s Imperial government, and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Fakhrizadeh joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming a brigadier general and head of the Office of Defensive Innovation and Research. However, the development of Iran's nuclear program cannot solely be credited to him; his predecessor, Akbar Etemad, the father of Iran's nuclear efforts, was fundamental to its current geopolitical stability. By straddling Iran’s military and academic worlds, Fakhrizadeh fused civilian science with military ambition. Creating a ticking time bomb at the heart of Iran’s nuclear program.

1979 Iranian Revolution Screenshot YouTube

Fakhrizadeh was regarded by Israeli intelligence agencies and the Western world as the mastermind behind Iran's decade-long creation of its nuclear program. Heading the “Amad” project, Iran’s alleged covert program. Producing the research for Iran’s modern-day nuclear program. Later, paving the way for the Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research (SPND), the merging of Iran’s nuclear program with military application was achieved. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly warned the Western world of Fakhrizadeh’s work. In a 2018 public statement, Netanyahu implored the world to global world to “remember the name,” highlighting Iran’s nuclear progression under the lead of Fakhrizadeh. In 2014, The New York Times stated that “Mohsen Fakhrizadeh is considered by Western Intelligence officials to be the closest thing Iran has to J. Robert Oppenheimer…”.

Stealth and Strategy

The real story of Fakhrizadeh lies in how he built Iran’s nuclear program to withstand not just economic sanctions, but to withstand military attacks. To achieve this, he developed an intricate network that was dispersed and concealed. Using Iranian universities, public fronts, to conceal their research and development of their nuclear program. Masking its true military objectives from Western geopolitical powers using hidden laboratories and civilian research teams located in Iranian universities. This method was a front. To covertly conduct undetectable research and development projects by Western geopolitical powers. Through the use of compartmentalized teams, he was able to disperse the programs into highly compartmentalized groups. Making his nuclear development harder to trace. It appears that an internal motivation of Fakhrizadeh was his dedication to Iran’s Supreme Leader. Through combining both his passions for science and Iran’s political government, he was able to merge both politics and nuclear capabilities.

Father of Iran’s Nuclear Program

Iran’s nuclear ambitions did happen overnight. Akbar Etemad, the true founding “father” of Iran’s nuclear program and its foundations, which Fakhrizadeh would build off of. The program would allow Iran to create its own nuclear energy, as well as to evolve into a weapons project if Iran’s future security needs demanded. Between 1974-1978, Etemad built the internal structure for Iran's nuclear success, the grounds on which to expand Iran's nuclear power, if needed. Etemad’s mission, to use civilian power to make it possible to build nuclear weapons as well. Etemad's success led him to head the first Atomic Energy Organization of Iran. Paving the way for the creation of nuclear weapons. Before 1979, Etemad received a phone call from Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. To devise a plan for this to work, the Shah and Etemad agreed: Provide Iran with future nuclear energy for a growing Iranian economy

1. Provide Iran with future nuclear energy for a growing Iranian economy

2. Leave the door open for the potential nuclear weapons capability if the region's security balance were to shift. Keep in mind, this was before the IRGC took over.

3. As Akbar Etemad recounted in a 2014 interview, the Sha’h’s vision was always two-pronged: energy for today, weapons for when the balance shifted.

   Akbar Etemad recalls his conversation with the Shah that had initiated Iran's Nuclear program.

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Akbar Etemad

Father of Iran's Nuclear Program

"The idea was that, if today Iran can sell oil and has oil, it needs to invest that money, so that some of the oil would be left for future generations. Nuclear energy was a good way to invest because it takes 20 to 30 years to pay off. You start to invest in it, and then after that time, it starts to show results."

"But ... I wasn't sure if [the Shah] wanted energy only, or weapons too. So, I spoke to him and asked him what he wanted. I said: 'I'll explain everything to you, and at the end, you can tell me what you want.'"

"For six months, I taught him everything from the atom to reactors and nuclear weapons. Then, after six months, I said, 'Now that you know everything, what do you want me to do?' ... Then we spoke for two hours, about politics and the military."

The Shah's Response:

"Today, we are a great regional power; we don't need anything. But if the balance [of power] changes in the region, if other countries get nuclear weapons, we need to have the capability for it."

Etemad: "Would nuclear weapons be an option then?"

The Shah (in English): "Why not?"

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Source: Columbia University Center on Global Energy Policy

Iran Nuclear Program Report (PDF)

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Akbar Etmad; Screen Shot

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Unlike Akbar Etemad, Fakrizahdeh took the bull by the horns and forged Iran's Nuclear program to the next level. Fakrizahdeh took advantage of his political power. Something Etemad was not in the privileged position to do. Fakhrizadeh’s dual identity separated him from the work of Etemad, and Fakhrizadeh spread his wings and flew with the backing of the supreme leader. With his trust in the Supreme Leader, Fakhrizadeh was able to compartmentalize nuclear development, gaining access to international resources needed to build atomic bombs, under the shadows of military secrecy. Fakhrizadeh’s influence built redundancy, decentralization to create a survivable infrastructure for Iran's nuclear program.

With his trust in the Supreme Leader, Fakhrizadeh was able to compartmentalize nuclear development, gaining access to international resources needed to build atomic bombs, under the shadows of military secrecy. Fakhrizadeh’s influence built redundancy, decentralization to create a survivable infrastructure for Iran’s nuclear program.

Nuclear Secrets: Iran's Weapons Program Timeline

Physics Research Center (PHRC)

Status: Nuclear weapon research conducted

Significance: Iran's main nuclear research facility established

Mohsen Fakhrizadeh Takes Control

Leadership: Fakhrizadeh becomes program coordinator

Impact: Unified military and civilian nuclear research

The AMAD Project Foundation

Objective: Five nuclear weapons in missile form

Outcome: Shut down in 2003 due to international pressure

Classification: Covert weapons development program

"Green Salt Project"

Purpose: Mine lower-quality uranium for weapons

Process: Uranium metal production for nuclear weapons

Status: Parallel operation to AMAD

"Orchid Office" Management

Allegation: Administrative hub for AMAD project

Iran's Position: Denies office existence

Intelligence Assessment: Coordinated weapons research

Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research (SPND)

Founder: Mohsen Fakhrizadeh

Location: Near Malek Ashtar University, Tehran (Mojeh)

Strategy: Reorganized to hide R&D from Western powers

Ministry Integration Under Khamenei

Authority: Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei operations

Integration: SPND (SEPAND) joins MODAFL

MODAFL: Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics

Source: Institute for Science and International Security

Programs Identified

6

Timeline Span

30+ Years

Key Leader

Fakhrizadeh

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Assassination: Advanced High-Tech Operation

Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was assassinated by Israel’s Mossad on November 27, 2020. Like a scene from a Hollywood script, his assignation was meticulously planned and carried out with precision. Using “a modified Belgian-made FN MAG machine gun attached to an advanced robotic apparatus and powered with artificial intelligence technology. The whole device weighed about a ton and was smuggled into Iran in small parts ahead of the operation and then reassembled”, according to the Times of Israel. “The Machine gun was mounted on a Nissan Pickup and ‘focused only on martyr Fakhrizadeh’s face in a way that his wire, despite being only 25 centimeters away, was not shot,” according to CBS News. According to multiple sources, his body was strewn with bullets, and his wife was left unharmed.

The Assassination: November 27, 2020

Departure from Nuclear Facility

Fakhrizadeh leaves Iran's Abs nuclear research facility near Tehran for his weekend home in Absard

Abs Nuclear Facility, Tehran Province

Highway Travel

Security convoy travels northeast on Highway 77 toward the mountainous Absard region

Highway 77, en route to Absard

Ambush Initiated

AI-controlled Belgian FN MAG machine gun opens fire from concealed Nissan pickup truck. Thirteen bullets strike target with surgical precision while wife remains unharmed just 25 centimeters away

Highway 77, Absard approach

Evidence Destruction

Remote-controlled weapon system self-destructs, eliminating physical evidence and operational traces

Attack site, Highway 77

Death Confirmed

Iran's most influential nuclear scientist pronounced dead at regional medical facility

Local hospital, Absard

Weapon System

• Modified Belgian FN MAG machine gun
• Artificial intelligence targeting system
• One-ton total apparatus weight
• Smuggled in components, assembled on-site

Operational Precision

• Thirteen rounds fired total
• Target eliminated, no collateral damage
• Wife unharmed at 25-centimeter distance
• Complete evidence destruction

Strategic Impact

• Iran's nuclear program leadership decapitated
• No Israeli operatives on Iranian soil
• Remote operation from outside Iran
• Technological superiority demonstrated

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Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was killed on November 27, 2020, outside of Tehran in the city of Absard. Photo released by Farrs News Agency

Reflections and Consequences

Who was the man whose killing required such resources and technology, one that the West felt it best that an assassination would slow Iran's nuclear program? In the aftermath of the COVID-19 crisis, Iran would not allow foreign shipments of the COVID-19 vaccinations into Iran. Instead, it claims to use nuclear facilities, or so it claims, to produce and utilize them for sterilization measures. Even naming one of Iran’s domestically developed vaccinations after Fakhrizadeh.

COVID Research Fueled Iran's Nuclear Program

Irans development of COVID-19 vaccines is seen by some analysts as a cover to channel resources towards its nuclear program. Projects administered by Iran’s government organizations offered opportunities to increase their nuclear budget through “health spending.” According to The Washington Institute, SPND’s funding rose more than fivefold from 2016 to 2021, both for public budget allocation and specific expenditures”. The budget increase was not the only element in question.

An example of the overlap can be found when examining the “Noora” vaccine. Developed at the Baqiyatallah University, and affiliated with the IRGC, and the Defense Ministry’s “Fakhra” vaccine, named after Fakhrizadeh. According to Iran Wire, “Noora Caccine, developed by Baqiyatallah University of Medical sciences, and affiliate of the IRGC,…followed the green lighting of Defense Ministry’s Fakhra Caccine, named after assassinated nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh.” FAKHRAVAC, developed by the SPND, and the CovIran-Barekat, developed by the Mossad, which was under the direct authority of the Supreme Leader Khamenei at the time.

Screen Shot YouTube Iran Documentary

During the pandemic, Iranian authorities, including Ali Akbar Salehi, claimed “the agency is using gamma rays to disinfect masks, gloves and other medical equipment, and those gamma rays can only be produced in nuclear reactors,” according to DW. This acknowledgment, demonstrated by Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, that Iran was running their nuclear facility, claiming they were being run to disinfect items needed during COVID.

Relic of the Past

Mohsen Fakhrizadeh’s name is no longer appearing in the headlines as an everyday household name. His fingerprint lingers on every centrifuge spinning deep within Iran’s underground facilities that the United States and Israel have left behind in their last bombing raid. His death did not put a stop to Iran’s nuclear ambitions; if anything, it reminded the world just how dangerous he was. Western intelligence and Israeli policymakers once warned to “remember his name”; far from a relic of the past, this warning continues to echo as Iran once again works to rebuild their nuclear program. Fakhrizadeh’s vision remains to cast a continued shadow on world peace and the expansion of Iran’s nuclear weapons program.